From January to September this year, the number of people working in Chinese cities increased by 10 million 660 thousand people. This means that the target of 9 million annual growth in urban employment, set at the beginning of the year, has been met ahead of schedule. This was recently announced by the official representative of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security Yin Chengji at a regular press conference.

Mo Rong, director of the research institute of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security, noted that the large scale of the Chinese economy has ensured stable employment levels even as economic growth slows down.

"In 2012, the total volume of the Chinese economy exceeded 50 trillion yuan, and even with an 8 percent GDP growth, the growth will be 4 trillion yuan," said Mo Rong. 10% GDP growth is needed. "

With an increase in the size of the economy, even with a decrease in growth rates, employment growth will remain stable.

Deputy Minister of Human Resources and Social Security Xin Changxing stressed that streamlining the economic structure has also increased employment opportunities. In terms of sectoral structure, the greatest employment potential is in the service sector. In the third quarter of this year, this sector of the Chinese economy grew by 8.4 percent over the same period last year, exceeding the growth rates of agriculture, industry and GDP. The total value added of the service sector also exceeded the industrial sector, which actively stimulated employment.

In addition, the beginning of this year's decentralization of the system of governing bodies, the reduction of state interference in the economy and other reforms contributed to the rapid development of the private sector of the economy with an increase in employment. In the first half of the year, 985.3 thousand new private enterprises were registered / an increase of 8.59 percent compared to the same period last year /. The number of individual commercial and industrial farms registered in the first 6 months of this year reached 3 million 895.8 thousand / an increase of 7.26 percent compared to the same period last year /. This has created a large number of jobs.

Xin Changxing said that the coordinated development of the regional economies also helps to increase the employment of the population. As for the regional structure, in the eastern region, the most developed in terms of employment, the economy was quite stable. The employment rate in urban areas has increased by 5 percent compared to the same period last year. Although employment growth in the western and central regions of the country slowed down, it still increased compared to last year by 1 and 6 percent, respectively.

"Structural contradictions are the main problem of employment in China, - said Mo Rong. - This has become especially noticeable this year: students are unable to find work, and enterprises - skilled workers."

According to experts, in recent years, structural contradictions have led to the fact that graduates of some specialties are faced with a glut of the market, supply exceeded demand. This could lead to a decrease in wages.

The oversaturation of the Chinese labor market with labor is another of the existing problems. Xin Changxing said that since 2012, the working-age population has decreased by more than 3 million, but this is just the beginning of a decline after reaching a peak. The labor force is still large. The workforce is projected to reach a permanent level of more than 800 million by about 2030.

According to experts, China already has some experience in providing jobs for those dismissed from state-owned enterprises, and today the main task should be to solve the problem of student employment.

Yin Chengji said that currently the main focus of the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security is the provision of employment services for unemployed university graduates, registration of university graduates wishing to find employment, and consulting.

He also noted that next year the employment of university graduates will remain a priority task for the Ministry.

At the same time, Mo Rong drew attention to the fact that in order to regulate the employment structure, it is necessary, first of all, to develop strategically important new industries, create new opportunities for employment growth, vigorously develop advanced manufacturing industries and production using new high technologies, and create a modern sphere. services, modern agriculture, etc., to develop more suitable for young people, especially for university graduates, employment programs.

On the other hand, it is necessary to develop a system of professional training, to revise the personnel structure. At present, the demand for students from vocational academies and technical schools is very high, so that enterprises have to "book" specialists during their training. This indicates that enterprises need a large number of qualified personnel, which means that it is necessary to create more vocational schools and train more qualified personnel. -0-

Chapter 17. Employment Structure (Hua Yinchang)

Evolution of the employment structure

The evolution of the employment structure in China as a whole is characterized by the following features:

1. Absolute growth and relative decline in employment in agriculture. The number of people employed in the country's agriculture increased from 173.17 million in 1952 to 294.26 million in 1978, that is, by 70%. However, the share of people employed in agriculture in the total number of employed fell from 84% in 1952 to 74% in 1978, i.e., by 10%. The average annual decline was 4 ‰, compared to 5 of the global average. This pace cannot be considered fast.

A condition for the movement of labor from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors is a large increase in agricultural productivity. In China, the value of the gross agricultural product produced by each rural worker increased by only 35% between 1952 and 1978. In conditions of a relatively low level of productive forces in agriculture, the rate of movement of labor from agriculture cannot be fast, otherwise disproportions will arise in the country's national economy. In 1958, there was a rapid growth in the number of workers and employees in the sector of public property (by 20.8 million people). A significant amount of labor was diverted from agriculture for the smelting of iron and steel and large-scale capital construction in the countryside. The share of people employed in agriculture in the total number of employed fell from 81.2% in 1957 to 58.2%, which caused a shortage of labor in agriculture, led to a sharp decline in agricultural production and great difficulties in supplying cities. In 1961, the state had to first reduce the number of workers and employees and, having mobilized about 20 million workers and employees, send them to agricultural production, thereby rectifying the difficult economic situation of that time.

2. Comparatively large not only absolute, but also the relative growth of employed in industry, especially in heavy. The number of workers employed in Chinese industry (including workers and employees employed in industrial enterprises of the national and collective forms of ownership in the city and countryside) increased from 12.4 million in 1952 to 50.08 million in 1978. , that is, four times. The share of industrial workers in the total number of employed also increased - from 6% in 1952 to 12.6% in 1978; the number of people employed in heavy industry increased from 3.72 million to 31.83 million, i.e., 8.5 times, in light industry - from 8.74 million to 18.25 million, i.e. That is, 2.2 times. This caused changes in the intra-sectoral structure of industry, the ratio of employed in heavy and light industry changed from 30: 70 in 1952 to 64: 36 in 1978, that is, it actually became the opposite.

As industry develops, naturally, there is a gradual increase in the number of people employed in industry, and to an even greater extent in heavy industry. At the same time, however, a continuous increase in labor productivity must be guaranteed. The average annual increase in labor productivity at industrial enterprises of the national form of ownership from 1950 to 1978 was 4.6%, during this period it was 10 years when it was declining. Labor productivity in some branches of heavy industry, for example, metallurgy and coal, was in a state of complete stagnation for 10-20 years; in comparison with other countries, the differences here are very large. The branches of heavy industry absorbed a huge amount of financial, material and labor resources, but could not provide an increase in labor productivity.

3. Employment in capital construction, transport, communications, urban utilities grew at different rates. The number of workers and employees in state capital construction increased from 1.04 million in 1952 to 5.83 million in 1978, their share in the total number of people employed in the public sector increased from 6.6 to 8.9 % employed in public transport and in communications - from 1.13 million to 4.1 million people, respectively, their share in the total number of state workers and employees decreased from 7.1 to 6.3% employed in urban public utilities economy of public property - from 40 thousand in 1952 to 780 thousand in 1978, and their share in the total number of people employed in public property also increased - from 0.3 to 1.2%.

4. The number of people employed in trade and services, science, culture, education, health care, finance, with absolute growth, has been relatively decreasing. The number of workers and employees employed in trade, catering, and services increased from 2.92 million in 1952 to 7.84 million in 1978, i.e., 2.7 times, but their specific the weight in the total number of state workers and employees decreased from 18.5 to 11.9%, employed in the branches of science, culture and education, health care - from 2.39 million to 8.44 million, respectively, i.e. in 3.5 times, however, their share in the total number of workers and employees employed in the field of public property decreased from 15.1 to 12.9%, employed in the field of public finance - from 340 thousand in 1952 to 380 thousand people in 1978, that is, by 12%; their share in the total number of blue-collar workers and employees employed in publicly owned enterprises decreased from 2.2% to 0.6%.

Traditionally, employment of the population is considered an important indicator of the country's successful development. Providing jobs is the most important task for the Chinese government in the near future. Despite the good rates of economic growth, it is not possible to ensure full employment of the population. The workforce is projected to grow to 772.8 million by 2030. However, already in 2005 the number of employed exceeded the forecasted and amounted to 778.8 million people, of which 45% in the agricultural sector, 24% in industry and construction, 31% in the service sector. The employed townspeople numbered 273.3 million.

The official unemployment in the city in 2005 was 4.2% and has not changed to this day. In 1999 and 2000. this figure was 3.1%, then increased to 3.6%, and this happened against the background of economic growth of 7.5 and 8.4%. According to international standards, unemployment should not exceed 5-6%. At these rates, full employment is considered to be maintained. Chinese economists cite the so-called real unemployment rate, which is above 14% for the city (and the townspeople make up 42.3% of the total population). In the countryside, unemployment is even higher.

Persons officially registered as unemployed are considered unemployed, and since 1999 all those laid off from state enterprises ("syagan") receive unemployment benefits, but are not included in the category of unemployed. In addition to those who are officially unemployed, there are also peasants in the city who have come to work. These people are not listed as either "employed" or "unemployed", since there is no data on unemployment in the countryside, and they are not considered to be urban residents.

In China, unemployed people are divided into several groups. In the city, unemployed are persons who have not found work within a month after being laid off or transferred to the group of able-bodied people. After 24 months, these people are no longer unemployed and no longer receive unemployment benefits (even if they have not found a job). This policy is aimed at stimulating employment growth.

Another group is "syagan" (short for state enterprises). Providing jobs for people who have moved into the category of "syagans" in connection with the creation of a "system of modern enterprises" has acquired a serious character, has become a special phenomenon of the time.

According to the age structure, for example, in Beijing, “syagan” under 15 years old is 6%, 26-35 years old - 29%, 36-45 years old - 46%, over 46 children - 19%, in Anhui province - “syagan” from 31 up to 40 years old make up 47%. In Beijing and Shanghai, the proportion of women among the "syagans" is 55%.

In the future, one of the main problems will be the provision of jobs for surplus labor from the countryside - the third category that replenishes the army of the unemployed. However, even now landless peasants are a problem not only for the leadership, but for the entire country. The movements of more than 100 million people wandering around the country in search of work cannot go unnoticed.

On the one hand, migration is profitable for the state. The movement of surplus labor from the countryside is beneficial to both the city and the countryside. The city receives income in the form of taxes, consumer spending (80-100 billion yuan per year), the village - in the form of earned capital (about 120 billion yuan annually). If we also take into account the transport costs of this population when moving around the country from home to the place of work, then they together give a decent growth in the gross product. On the other hand, migrants from the countryside do not have any guarantees of their existence, confidence in the future, because, stopping today at one construction site, they do not know whether they will have to look for a new job or shelter the next day.

Against the background of population growth, unemployment will also increase. This raises serious concerns among researchers and the government.

employment unemployment

Despite all the ups and downs of the Chinese economy over the past decade, its official unemployment rate has remained remarkably stable. Amazing means impossible to believe. Today, the registered unemployment rate in Chinese cities is only 4.1%.

Such a low figure could, of course, be explained by the power of the Chinese economy, but the problem is that this level has not changed since the end of 2010. Moreover, it has remained approximately within the same framework (4-4.3%) since 2002. ., including during the global financial crisis.

Meanwhile, a new study argues that China's real unemployment rate could be more than double the official figure. In their work for the US National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), Feng Shuazhang of the Shanghai University of Finance and Economics and Hu Yingao and Robert Moffitt of Johns Hopkins University identified an alternative figure based on data from a government housing survey.

Scientists believe that the average unemployment rate in China from 2002 to 2009. was 10.9%, or almost 7 percentage points higher than the official figure for the same period, writes the British magazine The Economist.

However, is it possible to trust the figure named by scientists? The NBER study is based on data from a housing survey conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics of the PRC in all cities and towns of the country (which, in principle, makes it representative and trustworthy).

By the way, their unemployment index is more volatile than the official one, which more accurately reflects China's economic cycles.

But if no one believes the official figures of an unshakable 4.1% unemployment rate, then the scientists' conclusion that China suffers from chronic unemployment above 10% is also skeptical.

The study authors acknowledge that there is a significant data gap in their work. The housing survey includes only those people who have a hukou, or a document that allows them to live in the city (a kind of registration), and thus does not take into account tens of millions of rural migrants.

For example, in Shanghai, 14 million people have hukou, and another 10 million people live and work in the country's largest city without any permits.

There is another reason to question the unemployment rate of 10.9%. This level, according to scientists, was when the growth rate of the Chinese economy exceeded 10%, and the annual growth of wages in cities was 15%. It is unlikely that high unemployment could exist with such strong wage growth.

So, what is the real unemployment rate in China? To determine it, you can use the proven method of measuring unemployment in developed economies (the ratio of the number of job seekers to the total working-age population).

The PRC Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security publishes data from urban employment centers on a quarterly basis.

Using this technique, the current unemployment rate in China is 5.1%. This figure more accurately reflects the situation on the labor market, but it is most likely incomplete: the Chinese authorities report statistics from only 31 of the country's largest cities.

In addition, it should be remembered that not all job seekers turn to official employment centers for help.

There is one more nuance that is typical for China. A recent study by the International Monetary Fund notes that the Chinese economy artificially creates the impression of stability in the labor market.

State-owned companies, as a rule, do not fire employees during an economic downturn, as they have a clear political statement from the authorities: maintaining social stability in society is much more important than profit.

In addition, the countryside is still a kind of "protective valve" for migrants who lost their jobs in cities during the recession. Chinese media estimate that during the 2008 financial crisis, about 45 million people returned to their rural homes, which has certainly eased pressure on the urban labor market.

All this confusion with statistics would not be worth attention if the unemployment rate were not an extremely important economic indicator. With China's slowdown in growth and the Chinese government's desperate attempts to stimulate the economy, the lack of information about the true state of the labor market is becoming a serious problem.

As the Financial Times recently pointed out, the time has come when Beijing must finally hire an army of experts to calculate the true number of unemployed in China.

Employment and unemployment in China, Japan and Russia

Against the background of population growth, unemployment will also increase. This raises serious concerns among researchers and the government.

employment unemployment

Social security in China

The development of the social security system is directly related to unemployment and the emergence of a socially unprotected population as a result of it. In 2002, for the first time in China, the term “socially disadvantaged population” appeared. It included four groups: 1) "syagan"; 2) people “outside the system” (enterprises) who are not employed in state-owned enterprises and, accordingly, do not receive any support in the event of dismissal or incapacity for work. This also, apparently, can be attributed to the disabled, orphans; 3) rural workers in cities; 4) employees who retired early in the “system of (state) enterprises”.

Considering the modern system of social insurance, it should be noted that not all groups of socially unprotected population are covered by it, and then mainly only in cities. It currently has four levels:

1. Social insurance for unemployment, old age, health insurance.

2. Provision of education, benefits for disabled people and minors.

3. Providing a living wage.

4. Social assistance - benefits to certain segments of the population. Consider two of them - social insurance and the provision of a living wage.

The social security system in China was established by the 1951 Constitution, but its practical formation began during the seventh five-year plan, 1986-1990. Judging by the legislation, the solution of the problem of social security has been seriously addressed since the 1990s. The "Regulations on unemployment insurance", "Temporary regulations on social insurance contributions", "Regulations on the subsistence level of urban residents" formed the legal basis of the social security system.

With regard to pension provision, there is a clear division into employees of state and non-state enterprises. Official sources claim that the pension insurance system covers not only state-owned enterprises, but also 51.5% of collectively owned enterprises, 34.2% of enterprises of other types of ownership. In 2005, 174 million people were registered in the social insurance system for old age in cities, of which 131 million people were employed, about 43 million were retired.In 1998, there were 85 million employees of enterprises and 27.3 million pensioners. ... In 2002, 99.9% of pensioners of state-owned enterprises received old-age pensions on time and in full.

Today, China has a system of pension contributions. The pension consists of the company's contributions in the amount of 20% of the salary fund and 8% of the employee's salary. The amount of the pension depends on the place of work, local government regulations. The employees of the closed enterprises are provided with pensions in accordance with the subsistence level of the local administration.

Unemployment benefits are issued to unemployed people officially registered in the city who are looking for work. Unemployment benefits are below the minimum wage, but above the subsistence level, the longest period for receiving unemployment benefits is 24 months. The unemployment insurance system in 2002 in the city expanded to 103 million people (in 1998 this figure was 79 million people).

Health insurance is also provided from the accumulation funds of the employee himself and his company (for an employee no more than 2% of wages, for an enterprise - no more than 6% of the total payroll). This system is valid for workers in cities. In 2005, it covered 137 million people, which is 13 million more than in the previous year. In 1998, the number of employees with basic health insurance was less than 19 million.

The subsistence level system was introduced only for urban residents. The living wage is set according to World Bank standards. According to the exchange rate, it should be around 250 RMB per month per person. At purchasing power parities, it is about 60 yuan. According to official figures at the end of February 2002, more than 13 million people nationwide were provided with a living wage allowance. In 2005, 22.3 million people in cities and towns received a living wage allowance. For comparison: in 1998 - 1.8 million.

The subsistence level benefit is differentiated by city. In 1993, Shanghai was the first in China to introduce a living wage allowance, which was paid to underprivileged urban dwellers from the employed, unemployed, and retirees. In this city, the monthly allowance per person is approximately 280 RMB. In other cities of central subordination (except Chongqing) and five cities allocated by the plan, the subsistence level is 200-319 yuan, in Chongqing and the administrative centers of 23 provinces - 140-200 yuan, in cities of the district level - 110-140 yuan, in cities of the county level - 78-110 yuan.

The provision of socially unprotected strata of the population, the main of which are pensioners and the unemployed, is perhaps one of the most important criteria for the state of society, and hence for economic development. In China, this area is underdeveloped. The government still has serious work to do to improve the system of social guarantees throughout the country.

New in the labor market and in labor management in Japan

The tremendous changes that took place in the Japanese economy during the 20th century did not seem to affect the field of labor and industrial relations at all. Almost until the end of the century, market relations were in their infancy here. Big business essentially monopolized a significant part of the labor force, as if “closed” it from the outside world with the help of a special form of long-term employment - the so-called life-long employment system. The most important consequence of life-long employment was the division of the labor market into two parts - closed and open, within which the labor force was placed in different conditions in terms of employment stability. In a closed market, labor force mobility is carried out within the management system of each firm. Due to the significant interconnectedness of large Japanese companies, these systems interacted with each other, forming a conditionally single closed labor market.

The other part of the labor market was served by small and medium-sized businesses. Here the workforce was not so strictly tied to any one firm, and its mobility was not constrained by the framework of individual companies. This labor market is usually called open. However, the division of the labor market into open and closed was rather arbitrary, because small business using the open labor market also fell into the sphere of influence of the large one. Despite the significant differences and the existence of a well-defined border between these two parts of the labor market, they were inextricably linked with each other.

The open market in Japan has always been a kind of enclave of the "second-class" labor force, which is destined for a peripheral position. On the contrary, that part of the labor force that entered the closed market was provided with various privileges and, above all, the privileges of employment itself. The privileged position of a closed market in relation to an open one, dominance over it has always been supported by the Japanese state.

The state has practically never interfered with the functioning of the closed labor market. Until now, there are special systems of employment and vocational training, which are controlled by the companies themselves. The open labor market, on the other hand, has traditionally been rather tightly regulated by the state. Thus, the state "because of the potential for significant abuse" did not allow private business to employ the labor force operating in this market, and it remained in its infancy. The Public Employment Service Office (PESO) had a monopoly on employment mediation.

By the beginning of the 21st century, the open labor market in Japan still continued to represent a sphere of low-skilled, peripheral labor, which was characterized by specific forms of employment, primarily part-time employment.

Part-time employment began to develop rapidly in Japan in the 70s and, especially, in the 80s of the last century under the influence of the complication of the socio-economic situation in the country and with the emergence of the threat of an increase in the unemployment rate, when the number of permanent jobs began to decline. This form of employment gradually became especially popular among women. By the end of the 1980s, there were more than 5 million part-time workers in Japan, which accounted for about 12% of the total number of wage earners. Of the total number of part-time workers, about 70% were women.

Traditionally, part-time jobs have also been offered where the performers did not require a high level of qualifications. Part-time employment is especially widespread, primarily in the service sector. This form of employment was highly flexible and could respond quickly to weekly and even daily changes in labor market demand. However, gradually the demand for part-time employment began to be shown by other sectors of the economy, even high-tech industries and production, as well as education, science, and social services. Among the part-time workers, there are specialists with higher education and "specialized workers", whose work required certain skills and sometimes a lot of preliminary professional training.

The most characteristic feature that has formed in the institute of part-time employment in Japan is associated with the length of the working time. With regard to part-time workers, it is acceptable for Japanese companies to engage in overtime work, which is a common practice in Japanese companies, which was even enshrined in the employment contract as one of the mandatory conditions of employment. This situation practically eroded the essence of the very concept of "part-time employment" and erased the principal typological differences between this phenomenon and full-time employment.

With long working hours, almost all firms offered only hourly wages, which automatically meant the absence of any additional types of incentives that were very common in Japanese firms in relation to permanent staff and made up 50% of the total amount of their earnings. On the contrary, there was a great deal of uniformity of conditions here, as companies showed great solidarity on this issue. Usually, all companies agreed on the issues of determining the form and level of remuneration for part-time workers, which turned employers in the part-time employment market into monopolists.

The status of part-time workers was enshrined in an individual contract, and the discriminatory conditions for the use of their labor were combined with the deprivation of guarantees in the field of employment and social rights that were assigned to permanent workers.

Currently, the conditions for the functioning of large Japanese business with its traditional reliance on its own, domestic, labor market are changing. In the last one and a half to two decades in Japan, this process has been influenced by factors that are of a structural, enduring nature and cause fundamental changes in the current reality. Among these factors are the restructuring of the production and economic structure in the context of the globalization of the economy, the formation of an information society, the rapid aging of the population, individualization and diversification of the labor market.

Great changes in the system of labor relations are introduced by the emergence of new qualitative characteristics of the labor force, the intensified transition from "collective labor" to "individual". An individual, often highly qualified worker is increasingly entering the Japanese labor market as an independent subject of labor relations, trying to oppose his interests to the interests of the employer. Young people have especially changed, who no longer associate their entire working life with one employer, as before.

The state employment system does not cope with its functions, the activities of PESO in many cases ceases to meet the needs of the labor market. At present, even PESO's intermediary services in bringing labor market entities together cannot be considered complete and sufficient in regulating the market, since whole areas of labor activity, professions and categories of employment, whose representatives are increasingly entering the open labor market, drop out of their attention. More and more businesses and employees stopped using PESO and started using other sources of information, including the media.

While the new law was to provide more leeway for the private sector, the PESO system's role, according to experts, should remain key in the field of intermediation services and as such organize a broad and comprehensive monitoring of labor market indicators and provide assistance to both companies and the workforce. ...

It was decided to introduce alternative forms of intermediary services in stages so that a radical restructuring of the existing employment system would not lead to its complete destruction. In the first phase, in 1985, the long-awaited Labor Rehiring Act was passed, which finally allowed private agencies to provide employment to the population. On the basis of a specially issued permit or by submitting a report to the inspection service of the Ministry of Labor, such companies received the right to lease labor, i.e. for hiring it with the subsequent provision at the disposal of another employer.

The law strictly defined the scope of activities of private intermediary companies, specifying which types of activities can be leased. The terms of the sublease contract through leasing companies were not limited. This raised the status of the employed, equating it with the status of permanent workers, which also influenced their level of possible earnings and the degree of social guarantees. The unlimited term of the employment contract automatically gave the right to unemployment insurance, medical and pension insurance.

This position of the re-employed labor force, proposed by the law, differed for the better from the position of the corresponding contingents in those countries where the leasing business in the field of labor (the so-called temporary work enterprises - TAP) became quite widespread back in the 70s of the last century. Unlike Japan, this business there is practically not limited by legislation in terms of its coverage of the labor market.

Particularly widespread recruitment of labor began to be practiced in Japan in the post-war period of the 20th century. After the oil crises of the 1970s, it was well known to big business as a means of maintaining a lifelong employment system. In the form of a fairly developed mechanism, it ensured the movement of labor within the closed labor market and became a necessary part of it.

Since the mid-1970s, when companies are faced with the need for large-scale business restructuring, the “delegation” of people from some business sectors, usually in decline, to others, more successful, has become widespread and systematic. These movements were not limited to the framework of the parent company, but extended to all its branches and even to subcontractors. The main reason for this phenomenon was the desire of companies to maintain the principles of life-long recruitment in relation to their core staff in the context of low growth rates and structural restructuring of the country's economy.

The significance of this law lies in the fact that with its help it was potentially possible to provide access to the open market for qualified labor, which is not in demand in large enterprises. After the legalization of the activities of private employment agencies, the position of the recruited personnel on the labor market has improved markedly.

In the 90s of the last century, the issue of the development of the labor market moved to a different, more pragmatic plane, which was greatly facilitated by the deterioration of the socio-economic situation. The legislative prohibition on dismissal of personnel and state control over the implementation of this prohibition were rapidly weakening. The rise in unemployment among employees of large companies, especially among middle-aged and older people, pushed the problem of developing an open labor market forward so much that it began to be viewed as "one of the most important tasks of the entire policy of the Japanese government to deregulate the economy."

In 1999, private recruiting enterprises were allowed to operate in a wide range of professions and work activities. The ban applied only to some types of work related to port transport, construction and security activities. The procedure for obtaining licenses has been greatly simplified. At the same time, the activities of these enterprises were subject to certain supervision rules and restrictions on the part of the Ministry of Labor. For violation of the established order, a system of administrative punishments was envisaged.

The changes made to labor legislation in 1999 are considered so great for the development of an open labor market that they are often referred to as its reform. However, the goals that were originally aimed at deregulating the labor market have not yet been achieved. Complete liberalization of the labor market, which removed all restrictions on the activities of commercial employment agencies and on all types of labor activities, was achieved in Japan only in 2004.

As commercial agencies take on the costs of recruiting, training, and social protection, leasing companies significantly reduce their labor costs. According to the Ministry of Labor, in 2003 the number of such workforce was 1.79 million, which is almost a third more than in the previous year.

Currently, about a third of Japanese firms use personnel obtained through leasing for purposes that are already directly related to the solution of basic and specialized tasks. According to the Ministry of Labor, the companies surveyed in 2003 cited the desire to have enough competent workers on hand to perform basic (39.6% of the answer) and specialized functions (25.9% of the answer ). This indicates that the importance of temporary workers in firms is increasing. At the same time, companies are clearly faced with the task of treating these personnel in the same way as the main contingent, i.e. as an equivalent object of management with a high level of labor motivation, the necessary qualifications and in need of appropriate labor compensation.

The difficulty in managing such a workforce is due to two factors. The first of them is connected with the fact that such personnel are hired by two employers at once. One of them is a commercial agency that nominally hires a person without providing a job. Another employer (manufacturing, trading or other firm) borrows it from the agency in order to actually use its labor. Since the management functions under the conditions of this model are duplicated by two unrelated employers, constant inconsistencies and inconsistencies arise in all areas of management.

Another circumstance that causes problems in the field of temporary staff management is directly related to the timing of its use. As you know, with temporary personnel in Japan, in contrast to the permanent one, contracts are concluded with a strictly established period of validity. Bearing in mind that sooner or later such personnel will be fired, the employer (in this case, both employers) avoids taking on unnecessary obligations in relation to them. As a result, no matter what value the labor force hired on leasing may be, the contradictions that arise as a result of its double subordination cannot but intensify due to the temporary status. This invariably affects the effectiveness of temporary staff management.

Personnel qualifications in Japanese firms are usually divided into two levels. At the first level, requirements are imposed on such abilities and skills of an employee that allow him to perform production tasks that are more or less common for a wide range of companies. The second level assumes that the employee can perform work specific to a particular business, often for a single company. This qualification requires detailed knowledge of a specific production or other type of activity of this company. To acquire such a level of qualification, an employee must adapt to the complex of conditions prevailing in this business.

The modern system of labor incentives in Japanese companies is already largely organized on the same principles as throughout the world. In calculating wages, the importance of such traditional Japanese factors as the age and length of service of the employee is gradually decreasing. Gradually comes to the fore the assessment of the results of labor, the abilities of personnel, their qualifications, attitude to work. The process of stimulating labor appears in the dual unity of its main components - the assessment of the invested labor according to the totality of factors influencing it, on the one hand, and the remuneration based on the results of this assessment, on the other. Labor motivation of personnel in the context of such an incentive system depends not only on the amount of direct remuneration, but also on the nature of the work permitted for execution and indirectly affecting the level of remuneration.

In the existing system of labor incentives for temporary workers employed on leasing, due to the presence of two employers, the functions of labor incentives that are essentially inseparable have been separated. The amount of payment and the distribution of labor by companies and types of work are carried out by employment agencies, which are in charge of the search and selection of personnel. The assessment of the invested labor is carried out, on the contrary, by the client firm, since only here it is possible to track the behavior of the employee in the labor process, evaluate his attitude towards him, determine with the greatest accuracy the measure of this labor and obtain all other information concerning this issue. The firm submits information about the results of the assessment of the employee's work to the employment agency, and this limits its participation in stimulating his work.

The current attitude of employers to the problem of incentivizing personnel employed on leasing terms cannot but be reflected in the most detrimental way on labor motivation. In every possible way forced by firms to high labor productivity, such workers consider themselves entitled to receive appropriate remuneration and expect at least the renewal of the employment contract. However, having become convinced of the failure of their expectations, they gradually lose interest in work and become apathetic, low-initiative extras, suitable for performing only the most routine functions.

The main prerequisite for solving the problems of managing the labor force coming from the open labor market, in the opinion of a number of Japanese scientists, should be a change in the attitude of business towards it. Taking into account the changed conditions of economic activity at the present stage, they urge to see in the open labor market a permanent and reliable source of labor, promising for the full satisfaction of new business needs.

According to researchers who have studied the problem of the effective use of temporary labor in Japan in modern conditions, its solution, due to the complexity and the presence of many diverse aspects, requires joint efforts and measures on the part of both business and intermediary structures for employment. In addition, more decisive measures are also needed on the part of the state to further liberalize the labor market.

Prospects for the development of the Russian labor market and ways to improve its functioning

In social and labor policy, measures aimed at developing and implementing mechanisms that facilitated institutional changes in property and structural changes in the economy prevailed initially. The most important of them were maintaining incomes at an optimal level and guaranteeing employment in the face of a decline in production and an increase in unemployment. In line with the democratization of society, the legislation on labor and employment was modernized by bringing it in line with internationally recognized rules: the working week was shortened, the minimum duration of vacations was increased, the employment guarantees for the unemployed were expanded, and the reform of social insurance began. The regulation of social and insurance relations contributed to their normalization during the privatization of the economy.

The steady growth of structural unemployment predetermined the need to transform employment funds into a full-fledged social insurance system. Unemployment turned from a negative phenomenon into a permanent factor in the development of the labor market and intensified competition for jobs. It was necessary to reckon with its objective nature, conditioned by the processes of economic reform, to look for new forms of effective employment.

With the transition of the country to the stage of development of a market economy, changes have occurred in the life of society as a whole and in its individual sectors. In particular, there have been changes in the labor market, which has led to the emergence of a number of problems.

Unemployment is a factor that lowers wages. Thus, the negative effects of unemployment are not limited to those who are victims of it. It can hit entire workforces, including trade unions, by thwarting efforts to improve the quality of jobs, working conditions, value-added and other human rights in the workplace.

Particularly important is the social liberalization of hired labor, primarily through a radical reform of labor legislation in full compliance with the requirements of a market economy. As the owner of a unique product, he has the right to priority in the labor market, its price is formed depending on the ability, education, qualifications, experience.

State guarantees for the unemployed population should be replaced by compulsory insurance of structural and professional unemployment. And also it is necessary to improve the functioning of social insurance funds by stable payment of social benefits for unemployment, raising the living wage, taking into account inflationary processes. Speaking about the functioning of the pension fund, it should be noted the need to increase the share of deductions from the employee's wages.

You should also strive to maintain the relationship between employment, wages and investments in an optimal ratio, which is a condition for socio - economic balance. This is the only way to provide a reliable economic basis for the creation of new jobs, expanding the sphere of effective employment, which, in turn, will lead to the "dissolution" of unemployment, lowering its level while stabilizing development. It is then that it becomes possible to create in the foreseeable future a dynamic, adapted to deep market transformations in the economy of the social and labor sphere.

The attraction of investments from the state will effectively affect the functioning of the labor market.

Due to the insufficiently effective work of the employment service, there is an increase in the number of unregistered unemployed who do not consider it necessary to contact the employment service and sometimes find alternative sources of livelihood. This testifies to the growth of activities that are not taken into account by state statistics, and requires increased control by the governing bodies.

You should also change the employment policy in relation to the requirements for the employee. First of all, one should pay attention to the qualifications and education of the employee, although at present for our country one of the main requirements for employment is the length of service of the employee, as well as his age, which is often an obstacle in finding a job.

Bibliography

1. Makarova E. A. Social security // Labor abroad. 2007. No. 4 (76).

2. Makarova E. A. Employment and unemployment // Labor abroad. 2006. No. 4 (72).

3. Ayushieva EB Reform of the social sphere: problems and consequences of implementation // Labor and social relations. 2007. No. 3 (39).

4. Makarova E. A. Dependence on benefits and employment in China // Labor abroad. 2009. No. 2 (74).

5. Makarova E. A. Labor market in Japan // Labor abroad. 2007. No. 3 (75).

Tutoring

Need help exploring a topic?

Our experts will advise or provide tutoring services on topics of interest to you.
Send a request with the indication of the topic right now to find out about the possibility of obtaining a consultation.